Each new Federal Board elects someone to Chair the campaigning and communications function of the Party and having been re-elected for a cumulative period of 10 years in the role, I shall not be standing for a further three when the Federal Board elects the next Chair.
I was first elected as Chair of the Campaigns and Communications Committee (CCC) - the precursor to the current Federal Communications & Elections Committee (FCEC) - in the immediate aftermath of the 2010 General Election. Half the time since that the Party has been in Government in Westminster … and the other half seemingly dealing with the consequences.
Constitutional changes in 2016 ended the practice of the Leader appointing different individuals to Chair separate General, Local and European campaigns and transferred the responsibility to the elected Chair of the FCEC. Expectations at the time were that my first general election campaign would be in 2020. I relished the prospect - putting into practice all the learnings from 2015 would be a substantial task - but one which the Party was more than up to. Instead of which, I have served three Leaders and overseen two general elections, each of them called at short notice and in challenging circumstances.
This has been a huge part of my life over the past decade. And it's now time for me to hand the baton to someone new. As things stand, it is reasonable to assume that the current Parliament will sit for its full term (possibly slightly shorter given an understandable desire to avoid a future December election). We will have a new Leader and hopefully time to operationalise and implement the learnings we will identify in the forthcoming review.
This is no less a challenging time to be overseeing the communications and campaigning functions of the Party than it was in 2010. While the Federal Board is the electorate, the position itself is open to all Party members.
It is a role that will bring you into frequent discussions with both Leader, Chief Whip and President, overseeing all federal elections and working closely with ALDC and the Parties in Wales, Scotland and England, plus responsibility for oversight of federal communications, branding and research. It works as the liaison with both Federal Policy and Federal Conference committees and plays a full role in them accordingly.
In what turned out to be the run up to the 2019 General Election this role was required to do face to face negotiations with other parties ahead of the Brecon & Radnorshire by-election and continued afterwards to conclude the Unite To Remain agreement with the Greens and Plaid Cymru.
There is rarely a dull moment, and all are essential to the way the Party fulfils its reason for being - to contest elections, increase our representation at all levels, reflect the society we serve, and to fight poverty, ignorance and conformity.
There's a huge number of tasks I will have left off. But if you're thinking of taking it on, then I'd be really happy to talk about what it involves in practice.
My final task will be to contribute to the general election review. December 2019 was a truly disappointing result and I know the review will be robust, detailed and insightful. It's crucial we learn from what went wrong, as well as what we did well. Because, as we prove week after week in local government, we can most effectively change lives for the better when we're in power.
I have had the undoubted privilege of working with some of the best politicians, staff and activists in the country, and have been supported, motivated and challenged (in equal measure) by some of the best committee members a Party can hope to have. I'll continue to be a member of the Federal Board and look forward to playing my part in the future of our movement.
* James Gurling is Chair of the Federal Campaigns and Elections Committee and the General Election campaign.
A path to victory in 2024 does exist, but it won't be an easy one to follow
Let's call the second obstacle the "rural problem". Labour's brand is toxic in much of the West Country, city commuter belts, rural Wales, North Yorkshire, Cumbria and most constituencies centred on market towns with a rural hinterland. This toxicity is tied to a sense that Labour "can't be trusted on the economy" or is too extreme to be in power.
The Scottish and rural problems are gifts granting the Conservatives a clear message and strategy for maintaining a majority for years to come. These two problems require, I believe, three solutions - all hard to achieve. Let's start with the hardest: defeating the SNP.
I really like many of the SNP's MPs at Westminster. Indeed, Labour and Lib Dems in England tend to think broadly warm thoughts about the Scottish Nationalists, who are largely centre-left social democrats. But to achieve a non-Tory UK government we must defeat them comprehensively.
I haven't got an oven-ready plan for beating the nationalists. I simply say, progressives in England and Wales must recognise the SNP is Boris Johnson's secret weapon. Perhaps the plan starts by seeking to convince progressives in Scotland that they are vital to stopping the Tories, and they can only do that within the UK.
If you are a Scottish non-Tory, join the fight - and ditch the SNP wholesale. Stop being tempted by the rickety lifeboat and help us achieve a mutiny that wrests lasting control of the ship from the evil Tory captain!
The second solution: detoxify Labour. At present, Labour's brand is so terrifying that it pushes voters into Conservative arms (which is one reason why the Lib Dems also struggled to win seats in 2015, 2017 and 2019).
Solving this rests on the character and image of Labour's new leader. Party members must overcome their obsession with ideological purity at the expense of winning power. I, too, am repulsed by the notion of power without principles: but if you care about people in need, you can't fixate on principles without power. Labour must learn how to win again. For the sake of the country.
In 2015 and 2017, along with most of our seats, we lost vote share to the extent that we slipped from second to third place or worse in dozens of constituencies. Our 2019 silver lining is our return to second in around 100, mostly Conservative, seats. If we win many of those, then the Conservatives lose their majority. The path to a progressive majority is clearer.
The three solutions are connected. The Lib Dems' chances of winning these seats are hugely enhanced by the SNP's defeat and Labour detoxifying.
Bluntly, the enemies of a progressive, united Britain are the nationalists and the Tories. To fight them we need to develop humility and self-awareness and learn to work together.
Let's start with my party. The Lib Dems must accept that Labour provides the main vehicle for defeating the Conservatives in most areas. Labour must accept that their brand is a huge asset to the Conservatives, and that, across swathes of the country, the Liberal Democrats have the best chance of defeating Conservatives.
Labour and the Lib Dems need to accept that co-operation is necessary and desirable. We must then collectively deploy a ruthless will to win, in order to do the good we can only do in power.
• Tim Farron is the Liberal Democrat MP for Westmorland and Lonsdale. He led the party between 2015 and 2017