Brexit and the Irish Border

There are more road crossings on the border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic than on the entire Eastern border of the European Union. Actually, there are 275 Irish border crossings, compared to 137 from Finland to Greece, according to figures obtained by my Alliance colleague Stephen Farry MLA.

That emphasises why the Irish border is such an issue for Northern Ireland, for the UK and for Ireland. Yet the Government's "Position Paper" on Northern Ireland and Ireland is woefully inadequate, failing to deal with issues of both trade and justice co-operation.

It is clear is that this is one area where those leading the campaign for Brexit have no idea how to resolve matters. We have had simplistic thoughts from the likes of Owen Patterson, citing TIR freight and Customs seals, while DUP MPs have suggested that automatic number plate recognition works on Irish toll motorways, so ANPR could perform border checks. Has Owen Patterson forgotten all that he and I heard about smuggling when he was Secretary of State for NI and I was Stormont Minister of Justice? While ANPR can identify a vehicle, can the DUP tell me how to identify who and what is in it?

Having campaigned for Remain, and horrified by all that is emerging from negotiations on an almost daily basis, I remain of the view that the people of the UK and Gibraltar should have the right to vote on the final deal. Second to that comes the softest possible way of leaving the EU. Ideally, the UK as a whole would remain in the Customs Union and in the Single Market. This would avoid the need for any form of physical border controls on the land border, which would present clear targets for dissident republican groups.

Although some nationalists are suggesting that Northern Ireland should remain within the Customs Union while GB leaves (citing our vote for Remain), this would be at least as destabilising from a unionist perspective as border posts would be to nationalists, and would also create major difficulties for trade between the constituent parts of the UK. While there may well be a need for a special deal for Northern Ireland, that is not the same as special status.

Despite the constitutional position, recent years have seen increasing integration of business and public services across the island of Ireland. Justice agencies work in partnership to fight terrorism and organised crime. We have a single energy market, significant cross-border supply chains (especially in agri-food), shared provision of acute hospital services. Business regulation is different in Northern Ireland from that in England, Wales and Scotland.

All of that leads to the possibility that Northern Ireland could remain in the Single Market, even if the rest of the UK left. It would be a unique arrangement, but might be a way of squaring the circle. Instead of talking about imaginative solutions, the Government needs to produce them.

Editor's Note: This will be discussed in a fringe meeting hosted by Liberal Democrat Voice on Sunday 17 September at 1pm in Bayview 2 at the BIC. David Ford will be one of the speakers.

* David Ford was leader of the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland until 2016 and is a former Northern Irish Justice Minister